Early Life
Many of the narrators spoke about how their childhood was influential on their decision to protest against the Vietnam War. This section will highlight some of the key commonalities between each narrator as they grew up.
“[My parents] taught us that you always have to stand up for underdogs and you always have to speak out and you can never…let anyone be threatened. My dad used to say: if there's one person who is at risk, we're all at risk…” - Joan Rachlin
Red Diaper Babies
The term "red diaper babies" was popularly used during the Cold War era to describe children raised by Communist or leftist parents. Initially, it was used pejoratively, with the suggestion that "communist parents in the '20s were so poor that they used the red flags they received in return for their party dues to diaper their babies" (Kennedy). Additionally, it served as a critique of the Communist party's perceived "internal aristocracy" in the 1920s, where the children of Communist parents were allegedly rapidly promoted through the party's ranks (Reed).
“We were very much in support of what Martin Luther King was doing, of rallying for causes, and very community minded, communal spirit minded. Very much red diaper babies” - Janis Nelson
However, by the 1950s and 60s, the term "red diaper babies" underwent a transformation, evolving from a derogatory label to a symbol of resilience and a shared commitment to challenging injustice. Outcast from society, it represented a generation who embraced their radical upbringings and utilized their experiences to advocate for change. One “red diaper baby" describes the coalition as such: “No matter what your politics or personality, I think all red diaper babies have in common this notion that people have the power to make things happen and people have a responsibility to make things happen" (Reed). These individuals, shaped by the political and social unrest surrounding the Vietnam War, civil rights, and women's rights movements, often became activists themselves, fighting for social justice and progressive causes.
“when I was five…they took me to my first protest, to protest the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg…It was the whole anti-communist paranoia and frenzy. We went to the Hollywood Public Library several nights and they carried placards about ‘stop the execution’” - Joan Rachlin
Joan Rachlin, the daughter of a "card-carrying" communist, recalls attending a protest for the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg when she was just five years old. In 1945, during the early years of the Cold War and the height of McCarthyism, the Rosenbergs faced accusations of espionage for passing atomic bomb secrets to the Soviet Union. The case became a focal point for the Communist Party because people believed that the couple was targeted due to their affiliation with the Communist Party rather than their actual involvement with the Soviet Union. The Rosenbergs' trial and subsequent execution became a rallying cry for those critical of anti-communist efforts and solidified the significance of "red diaper babies" in the broader political sphere.
Conflicts and Support of Family
Dennis P. Bidwell remembers,
"There was a massive generational difference, as I mentioned before, in a way that's, I think, different today. It was a real split with our parents’ generation on all those levels. We were a generation that wanted to distance ourselves from their music, and the way they dressed, and the way they wore their hair, and the martinis that they drank it; it was for good reason [...] at the spine of all that, was the war."
Dennis P. Bidwell '71
Contemporary wars often generate feelings of stark generational divide, and the Vietnam War was no different. Despite the iconic counterculture projecting a legacy of disagreement between the young and old, the dynamic was far more complex. For example, war-era Gallup polls indicated that older people were more likely than younger people to deem it a mistake to have sent US troops to Vietnam at all (Rosentiel 2006).
Students during this period had varied experiences reconciling anti-war convictions with those of their family. Some families experiences painful divides over the politics of the war, whereas others were unified as doves or hawks. This section recounts our narrators' experiences dealing with their loved ones supporting or objecting to their participation in the anti-war movement.
"Sticking to what I believed" — Dennis Bidwell and Reconciling Anti-War Passion with Conservative Loved Ones
Dennis P. Bidwell '71 grew up with "an especially close" connection with his father. This connection was close enough that after Dartmouth, Bidwell "had always imagined returning" to Denver. While the Bidwell parents were "quite socially progressive," they voted Republican and were staunch supporters of Eisenhower and Nixon. Bidwell’s sister, Janet, held similar views to their parents. This was not a source of conflict for Bidwell’s adolescent life, as he “wasn’t much tuned into” the Vietnam War as he was tuned into local social issues, like the desegregation of Denver public schools.
However, a study abroad in France “opened [his] eyes” to “the way the United States was viewed.” Bidwell returned to campus and began studying the social sciences and the Vietnam War. He began to develop a connection to the anti-war movement, and within a few months, he “was much more engaged in campus anti-war protests and heading to Washington to protests.”
Tension began to build in the Bidwell family. He remembers that "it really strained my relationship with my parents, especially my dad [...] it was a very strained relationship." This tension came to a head when Bidwell had to leave his summer volunteering with anti-war groups in Vermont and New Hampshire to join a family vacation throughout Europe. While his family was excited to travel, Bidwell was "so caught up in anti-war fervor" that he struggled to enjoy the trip. During a stop in Brussels, the family saw a military parade celebrating the United States for "liberating Europe" during World War Two. Bidwell remembers: "All these US flags and all this glorification of US military power, it just did not sit well with me [...] I was clearly not on board with all this." Tension grew even more when Bidwell applied for Conscientious Objector status — his father disagreed with his decision but advocated for the integrity of his anti-war beliefs to Bidwell's local draft board.
When asked how he coped with family pressure against the anti-war movement, Bidwell responded:
“I either stood up to it or ignored it, although [his parents] weren't particularly confrontational about this. I just proceeded with confidence. I wasn't sure where it would all head, but I was sticking to what I believed and seemed right and the chips would fall where they may in a lot of different dimensions of my life, including with my family.”
Dennis P. Bidwell '71
Tension began to resolve when Bidwell's father transitioned politically after Watergate and realized "what a scumbag Richard Nixon was [...] he finally understood how totally misguided this war was," in Bidwell's words. He credits his father with "being a really smart guy," and believes his father "would credit me with being part of his political evolution." After Watergate, Bidwell believed that his father began to realize "maybe what Dennis has been saying all these years makes some sense." This helped their "rapprochement," which Bidwell ensured by asking his father to be his best man at his wedding.
While Bidwell was able to heal this political rift, he and his father dealt with years of strain over disagreeing views on Vietnam.
A Divided House
Unlike the previous three narrators, Charlotte Albright grew up in a politically divided household:
"My mother was, she was a liberal woman for her time, and she was an artist. And she was a follower of FDR. My father was an Eisenhower Republican. So I grew up in a family where the two parents were not on the same page politically, but I could see that they could talk about that. You know, I remember some political discussions and sort of trying to figure out where I fit in."
Albright was able to grow up and see both sides of the political spectrum within her household and come to her own decisions about politics. While, both of her parents died prior to her high school graduation, their political influence was the bedrock of Albright's opinions today.
With respect to the Vietnam War, Albright remembers becoming anti-war during her senior year of high school:
"I don't think I was aware of because I was in boarding school from ‘65 to ‘68. And you know, you didn't wake up with the news. You didn't have your parents talking about it. You were just going to classes. So as the war was escalating, first of all, I think I thought to myself, well, Kennedy wouldn't do that. Like he seems like a nice man. It wasn't until after he was killed, and LBJ took office, and, again, promised that we were going to get out but kept deepening our involvement... I mean, by 1968, I was a senior in high school, that's about when I was starting to realize what was going on. I went to Bennington from ‘68 to ‘72. But I think I was in the dark until about ‘68." - Charlotte Albright